(If you enjoy reading this article, you may also be interested in another on Soviet "active measures" against China — the story of Radio Ba Yi.)
The self-deception of an intelligence organisation by
counterfeit material deliberately faked by its own staff or agents always makes
for an intriguing story.
In fiction, such deceptions are the basis of Graham
Greene's comic novel Our Man in Havana and John le Carré's The Tailor of
Panama.
My story below is, however, not fictional.
Cover of British paperback edition of the book that broke the secret of CIA's psyops during China's Cultural Revolution. The CIA obtained a court order to redact more than a page worth of the six pages devoted to the subject, likely containing key operational details, before publication
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The Cultural Revolution and the CIA
The story begins in May 1966 with the start of the
Cultural Revolution in China.
Detecting signs of resistance to the revolution
and its Red Guards, particularly in southern China, the CIA sought to encourage
such opposition through the distribution of printed matter by balloons launched
from Taiwan.
The balloons carried bogus leaflets, pamphlets and newspapers
purporting to be from counterrevolutionary groups within China. In fact, they
were written by CIA propagandists.
The story is taken up by Victor Marchetti and John D.
Marks in their 1974 book The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence [1]:
Almost immediately after it began, the balloon project was a success. The CIA's China watchers soon saw evidence of increased resistance to the Red Guards in the southern provinces... Within weeks, refugees and travellers from the mainland began arriving in Hong Kong with copies of the leaflets and pamphlets that the agency's propagandists had manufactured – a clear indication of the credence being given [to] the false literature by the Chinese masses.
A decision was therefore made to install on Taiwan a pair of clandestine radio transmitters which would broadcast propaganda – and disinformation – of the same nature as that disseminated by the balloon drops. If the Chinese people accepted the radio broadcasts as genuine, the CIA reasoned, then they might be convinced that the countermovement to the Cultural Revolution was gaining strength and perhaps think that the time had come to resist the Red Guards and their supporters still more openly.
The left hand and the right hand
The CIA's radio stations in Taiwan duly began their bogus
broadcasts. But a problem arose.
The part of the CIA (the Directorate of Plans) that was
running the secret balloon drops and black radio transmissions to China did not
inform the separate CIA division (the Directorate of Intelligence) that was, as
its name suggests, collecting and analysing information about what was
happening inside China. [2]
Among the Intelligence Directorate's subdivisions was one
responsible for monitoring foreign radio stations: the Foreign Broadcast
Information Service (FBIS).
FBIS's daily reports on the content of public radio
broadcasts from and to China were circulated within the CIA, the State
Department and the Pentagon, and to others both inside and outside the US
government.
Marchetti and Marks continue the story:
Even though the FBIS editors are members of the CIA's Intelligence Directorate, the operators in the Clandestine Services are reluctant to reveal their propaganda operations to them. As a result, for its Far East daily report the FBIS frequently monitored and distributed the texts of programs actually originating from the agency's secret stations on Taiwan.
"Highly successful" CIA radio operation
In short, FBIS was unaware of the provenance of the CIA's broadcasts, and published transcripts of them in the belief that they had been aired by genuine dissident stations inside China. Marchetti and Marks noted:
In short, FBIS was unaware of the provenance of the CIA's broadcasts, and published transcripts of them in the belief that they had been aired by genuine dissident stations inside China. Marchetti and Marks noted:
CIA operators seemed untroubled by this development and the accompanying fact that the agency's own China analysts back at headquarters in Washington (along with their colleagues in the State and Defence Departments) were being somewhat misled. Nor did they appear to mind that unwitting scholars and newsmen were publishing articles based to some extent on the phony information being reported by the FBIS [...]
Communist China was an enemy, and the writings of recognised journalists and professors publicising its state of near collapse and potential rebellion helped to discredit Peking in the eyes of the world – which was after all in keeping with the CIA's interpretation of American foreign policy at the time.
The CIA's secret radios therefore proved to be highly successful.
What were the stations in question?
The identity of the CIA's radio stations (though not
their origin) was revealed as early as January 1967 by the respected
Japanese newspaper Asahi Shimbun.
In a dispatch from Hong Kong it said that two
pro-communist but anti-Mao clandestine stations, Spark (火花 Huohua) and Voice of the [People's] Liberation Army (解放军之声 Jiefangjun zhi Sheng), had been heard since the middle of the previous
month.
Such a start of broadcasts in December 1966 fits well
with the narrative by Marchetti and Marks.
Asahi Shimbun noted speculation by China watchers that
the two stations originated from mainland China. The ruse by their CIA
operators – to pose as genuine underground radios broadcasting from within the
People's Republic – had therefore been successful.
More than a year later the deception was continuing to be successful. In July 1968 the New York Times said in an article on the Voice of the Liberation Army's broadcasts:
It is a mark of the turmoil in China that the broadcasts have commanded the attention of political analysts and led to speculation that a clandestine station may be operating there.
In these early years the two stations made several short
broadcasts (just five to 10 minutes) each day on shortwave starting in the late
afternoon, Chinese time, and then at intervals throughout the evening. The
brevity of the programmes lent credibility to the idea that these were
underground stations forced to keep their transmissions short to avoid detection by
the Chinese authorities.
In late 1968 a third station thought to be part of the
"Radio Spark group", calling itself Contingent of Proletarian
Fighters (无产者战斗士 Wuchanzhe Zhandoushi), was heard. (Between May 1971 and April 1974, it
would simply call itself Fighters.)
Handover to Taiwan?
After Richard Nixon made his ground-breaking
visit to China in February 1972, all three stations became inactive, possibly as part of Washington's moves to improve relations with the Chinese.
Sheila O'Brien of the University of Michigan says in a
chapter of Clandestine Broadcasting, published in 1987, that the CIA may have
handed over its Chinese black broadcasting operations to Taiwan's own
intelligence services at some time between 1972 and 1978. [3]
According to a prominent US writer on shortwave
broadcasting, Lawrence (Larry) E. Magne, the Fighters and Liberation Army
stations disappeared in June 1972, reappeared briefly later that year and then
began new phase of broadcasting, in conjunction with Sparks, in April 1974.
(This information is from a global survey by Magne, "Clandestine Broadcasting 1975", in the 1976 edition of the annual World Radio TV Handbook.)
An alternative theory
The interruption in 1972 and the 1974 relaunch reported
by Magne could be the period identified by O'Brien as when the stations of the "Radio Spark group" were
transferred from CIA to Taiwanese control after Nixon's visit.
However, Magne says they were under Soviet control, and
had been so ever since the original launch in 1966.
Magne's labelling of the stations as originating in the
USSR is at odds with several pieces of evidence that point to the CIA/Taiwanese connection,
although this was not the first time that he had made such a claim of Soviet
backing.
In the 1973 edition of How to Listen to the World, Magne
said Radio Spark was operated by the KGB and staffed by Chinese exiles
associated with the so-called "28 Bolsheviks" faction (a group of Chinese who had studied in Moscow in the 1920s and 1930s), although he gave no
source for that information.
Questions of provenance
Questions of provenance
Magne's assertion was repeated in Julian Hale's 1975 book Radio Power, which became a standard work on international broadcasting and radio propaganda. Hale also said in relation to Sparks:
A similar operation, sharing transmission facilities with Sparks, calls itself Radio of the Chinese People's Communist Party, thus rubbing in their refusal to identify Mao Tse-tung's clique and his less-than-authentic party with the true followers of Marxism-Leninism.
Evidence of the provenance of Radio of the Chinese People's Communist Party (中国共产党 广播电台 Zhongguo Gongchangdang Guangbo Diantai), which was heard between 1968 and 1971, is scant. It made transmissions of just 10 minutes in length, like the outlets of the Spark group, and like them favoured transmission times in the late afternoon and evening. It also used similar slogans to those of Voice of the Liberation Army (one of the Spark group), and like that station used two separate frequencies to carry the same programme, though not synchronously.
However, a detailed report on clandestine broadcasting to China by the Japan-based Asian Broadcasting Institute (ABI) noted evidence that the Communist Party station was not in the Radio Spark group but was part of a separate, but also Taiwan-sponsored, group of outlets.
Known Soviet clandestine broadcasts to China
While I disagree with the claims by Magne and Hale that the Radio Spark group of stations came from the USSR, there were undoubtedly other clandestine radios targeting China that were Soviet in origin, notably one calling itself Radio Ba Yi (八一 电台 Ba Yi Diantai).
Bay Yi literally means Eight One and is a reference to 1 August, China's Army Day.
Radio Ba Yi was launched during the 1979 Sino-Vietnamese War (in which the USSR backed Vietnam) and was last heard in late 1986 when Moscow-Beijing relations were improving.
Another Soviet-operated station, Red Flag (红旗 Hongqi), was first heard in 1971 and then rather intermittently. Like Radio Eight One, it disappeared in late 1986. There was ample evidence that both transmitted from the USSR. Red Flag was notable for broadcasting on the mediumwave (AM) band rather than shortwave.
Although I disagree with Magne about the origin of the Radio Spark group, the description in his 1976 article of the modus operandi of the Radio Spark group is valid, whatever their provenance:
However, a detailed report on clandestine broadcasting to China by the Japan-based Asian Broadcasting Institute (ABI) noted evidence that the Communist Party station was not in the Radio Spark group but was part of a separate, but also Taiwan-sponsored, group of outlets.
Known Soviet clandestine broadcasts to China
While I disagree with the claims by Magne and Hale that the Radio Spark group of stations came from the USSR, there were undoubtedly other clandestine radios targeting China that were Soviet in origin, notably one calling itself Radio Ba Yi (八一 电台 Ba Yi Diantai).
Bay Yi literally means Eight One and is a reference to 1 August, China's Army Day.
Radio Ba Yi was launched during the 1979 Sino-Vietnamese War (in which the USSR backed Vietnam) and was last heard in late 1986 when Moscow-Beijing relations were improving.
Another Soviet-operated station, Red Flag (红旗 Hongqi), was first heard in 1971 and then rather intermittently. Like Radio Eight One, it disappeared in late 1986. There was ample evidence that both transmitted from the USSR. Red Flag was notable for broadcasting on the mediumwave (AM) band rather than shortwave.
Although I disagree with Magne about the origin of the Radio Spark group, the description in his 1976 article of the modus operandi of the Radio Spark group is valid, whatever their provenance:
A variety of techniques besides aired statements is used to create the impression that there are rebel army units "on the run" within China itself. The transmissions are brief and often erratic, with station names and schedules changing often enough to create a guerrilla flavour.
More outlets
In 1978, a fourth station of the Radio Spark group was
heard, calling itself October Storm (十月风暴 Shiyue Fengbao).
Radio Spark targeted a youth audience, while Contingent
of Proletarian Fighters and Voice of the Liberation Army were aimed at workers
and members of the armed forces respectively.
Reporting the operations of the Radio Spark group, the
New York Times said in May 1984 that "some references to Nationalist ideology led to speculation that they
come from Taiwan".
Another station that may have been associated with the
Radio Spark group was a fake version of China's main state radio network, the
Central People's Broadcasting Station. [4]
This phony CPBS was certainly in operation by May 1974
and a similar station had been heard in February 1972. It operated on
frequencies close to that of the genuine station, and played recordings of the
latter, interspersed with bogus commentaries.
All five of the above stations continued into the 1980s.
BBC Monitoring reported in January 1984 that only one of the four members of
the Radio Spark group was heard on any given day. The first 10-minute
transmission of the day was heard at 1700 Chinese local time and was then repeated up to
seven further times over the course of the next two and a half hours.
The fifth station, the impostor version of the Central
People's Broadcasting Station was reported by BBC Monitoring to have been
heard again in May 1987 after a break since 1985, airing two daily
transmissions of around 30 minutes each at 1900 and 2100 Chinese times.
From land or sea?
Were the clandestine broadcasts from a ship in the Taiwan Strait? Map © CNN |
In 1984-1985, various Western publications reported that Radio Spark and its sister stations were broadcasting from a ship in waters off China. The Los Angeles Times said in May 1984 that Western monitors believed the ship was in the South China Sea.
The same suggestion was reported by Jane's
Defence Weekly in July and October 1985, while Asiaweek said in April 1985 that
the transmitting ship was in the East China Sea (Taiwan lies between the East
China Sea and the South China Sea).
As early as 1970, David W. Conde had said in his book
CIA: Core of the Cancer that in the summer of 1966 a fleet of pirate ships had
been deployed by the CIA off the Chinese coast in a black propaganda campaign
intended to cause China to collapse from within. (Though note that Marchetti and Marks
said that the CIA's transmitters were installed "on Taiwan", rather
than on a ship.)
Further support for the idea of the broadcasts coming
from a ship came from an observation in 1982 by a member of the Asian Broadcasting Institute who noted that whenever a typhoon appeared in the Taiwan Strait, broadcasts of
the stations of the Radio Spark group appeared to be suspended.
The ABI member also used direction-finding equipment of
Japan's public service broadcaster NHK to track the Radio Spark group, with
results that were consistent with the signals coming from waters off Taiwan.
The ABI's observation does not, however, necessarily mean
that the Radio Spark group was using a shipborne transmitter. Land-based
transmitters in Taiwan might also have had to shut down during typhoons, for example
to lower their transmitting aerials.
End of the broadcasts
Contingent of Proletarian Fighters was last heard in
1984, Radio Spark in 1985, while the Voice of the Liberation Army, October
Storm and the phony Central People's Broadcasting Station
went silent in 1989.
Notes and sources
[1] Victor Marchetti was a member of the CIA between 1955
and 1969. For the last three years of his service (i.e. covering the early
period of the Cultural Revolution in China) he worked in the office of the CIA
director. John D. Marks joined the US State Department in 1966, resigning in
1970 after the US invasion of Cambodia.
[2] After 1973, the Directorate of Plans was known as the
Directorate of Operations. Marchetti and Marks say that within the CIA the
directorate was generally referred to as the "Clandestine Services".
[3] O'Brien's comments are quoted in the report by the Asian Broadcasting Institute (ABI) mentioned elsewhere. I have drawn extensively on the ABI's
report in writing this article.
[4] Although its Chinese name (中央人民广播电台 Zhongyang Renmin Guangbo Diantai) is unchanged, Beijing now refers to the
Central People's Broadcasting Station in English as China National Radio.
© 2019. Material may be reproduced if attributed to Chris Greenway and any original source.